Navigating US-Southeast Asia Relations under the Trump Administration

President Trump returning from Florida in 2020, modified, Trump White House, https://flickr.com/photos/whitehouse45/50184624051/in/photolist-2jsDjjP-2jyyvFv-2iqiCcd-2jxFhmb-24n4jRR-2iq53sF-2a4MDv7-2jyypgS-2gkMWs7-2i9Xsnj-U3HM66-2jmTogR-2jyyvG7-2j2fdqT-2iq39tM-2gkMWvP-2ga2Th1-2jxhnnf-2ga1Dvg-2jyznsv-2gnY1SW-2jyypeY-2gkMWEX-2jyvaQg-2ga22uk-2ga2Txg-2g38DDW-HxYzvG-2ivdbzH-2jyypeC-2jeZvFk-24n4jXH-2gnY26b-2iq3Ttz-2ga1CKJ-2hhJn9z-2gkMWvo-QnAmv8-2i9ZTtq-2gkMMN1-2gkMMGp-2jC1Rro-2gnXVPL-2jxX8xJ-2hhL1BM-Rd9JXv-GrnLNz-2hX3FcK-2ktphD9-2h3bbcG

As Southeast Asia solidifies its role as a critical region for global trade and security, it offers both challenges and opportunities for the United States. While the Trump administration is rapidly rolling out its promised ‘America First’ agenda, fostering robust relationships with Southeast Asian nations is essential for maintaining US economic and strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.

With a collective GDP exceeding $3 trillion and a rapidly growing middle class, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) represents a vital trading partner and a promising market for American goods and services. Enhanced trade agreements can reduce barriers, boost exports, and create jobs in the United States, contributing to economic growth.

Furthermore, collaboration with Southeast Asia ensures the United States remains competitive against global powers like China, which has invested heavily in the region through its Belt and Road Initiative, that connects land and maritime networks to other countries.

Beyond economics, strengthening security ties with Southeast Asia is crucial for maintaining regional stability and countering shared threats. The South China Sea, a vital shipping lane for global trade, has become a flashpoint for territorial disputes and military tensions. By partnering with ASEAN nations, the United States can support freedom of navigation, uphold international law, and promote a rules-based order.

Additionally, collaboration on counterterrorism, cybersecurity, and maritime security ensures mutual protection against emerging threats. Under the Trump administration, prioritizing these alliances reaffirms America’s commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, benefiting both US national security and regional peace.

The Trump tariffs on China could also strengthen US economic ties with ASEAN, accelerating trade, investment, and strategic collaboration between Washington and region. Trump 2.0 shows no signs of changing its confrontational language toward China, characterized by new executive orders and policies aimed at reducing economic dependence on Chinese trade and addressing perceived imbalances in their economic relationship.

Central to this strategy is the imposition of tariffs on a wide range of Chinese goods, a move designed to challenge China’s trade practices and encourage the diversification of US supply chains. This approach also extends to heightened scrutiny of China’s economic activities on the global stage, particularly in areas where China’s policies were seen as undermining fair competition or posing risks to international norms.

For the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the tariffs on China, may offer an opportunity to increase their exports to the United States by supplying alternative products. ASEAN’s ten nation members comprised of Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam all play a pivotal role in regional security and diplomacy. The organization provides a platform for dialogue and cooperation on critical issues such as maritime security, counter-terrorism, and transnational crime. By actively participating in ASEAN-led reforms, the U.S. can collaborate with member states to address shared security stability concerns and promote stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

Trump’s new cabinet level appointees – CIA director John Ratcliffe, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and UN Ambassador Elise Stefanik – all prioritize US sovereignty and a reduction in international commitments. However, they also recognize the strategic advantage of sharing the responsibility with other nations in maintaining the freedom of navigation in the contested South China Sea.

While Trump has historically criticized multilateral treaties and alliances like NATO or the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), his previous administration demonstrated a willingness to form ad hoc or bilateral agreements when they aligned with US interests. This pattern suggests that rather than dismantling all alliances, this second Trump term will recalibrate foreign policy to prioritize transactional partnerships that directly serve US objectives. In the case of countering China, working with ASEAN and other Indo-Pacific partners such as Japan, Australia, and India may serve as a critical exception to a broader trend of pulling back from traditional alliance structures.

ASEAN holds a strategically vital position in the Indo-Pacific, sitting at the crossroads of major trade routes and playing a significant role in regional stability. These nations share a vested interest in maintaining a rules-based international order, particularly in the face of China’s assertive policies in the South China Sea and its broader regional ambitions.

Thus, partnerships with ASEAN nations, for example, could remain a focal point of US strategy. ASEAN’s geographic and strategic significance in the Indo-Pacific makes it a critical partner in balancing China’s assertive policies. The South China Sea is a major trade route, and ASEAN nations share concerns about China’s militarization and territorial claims in the region. By collaborating with ASEAN, the U.S. could strengthen economic ties and security cooperation, offering these nations viable alternatives to China’s influence.

Strengthening ties with ASEAN member states would work toward countering China on the economic front. Enhanced economic cooperation, such as increased trade, investment, and joint infrastructure projects, would provide these nations with alternatives to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, reducing their economic reliance on Beijing.  For example, the United States sees it relationship with Vietnam as a cornerstone of its broader strategy in Southeast Asia, encompassing diplomacy, economics, and security cooperation. Diplomatically, Vietnam is a key partner in ASEAN, helping the U.S. advance its influence and maintain a rules-based order in Indo-Pacific.

On the security front, the United States could offer greater support in terms of defense partnerships, joint military exercises, and intelligence sharing, helping to address shared concerns such as maritime security and regional conflicts. By bolstering both economic and security relations with ASEAN, the U.S. could not only promote regional stability but also ensure that the Indo-Pacific remains a region where no single power dominates.

This dual approach—combining domestic economic measures with strategic international alliances—highlights a broader effort to balance China’s rise. While the confrontational stance toward China risks escalating geopolitical tensions, engaging ASEAN offers a pathway to a more coordinated and multilateral response to the challenges posed by Beijing. This strategy underscores the importance of partnerships and shared interests in shaping a more stable and balanced regional order in the Indo-Pacific.

By embracing these opportunities, the Trump administration can position the U.S. as a leader in the Indo-Pacific, supporting shared interests in regional security, supply chain diversification, all while fostering prosperity for decades to come.

 

James Borton is a non-resident senior fellow at Johns Hopkins SAIS Foreign Policy Institute and the author of Dispatches from the South China Sea: Navigating to Common Ground.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author(s) alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.

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